The Southern African Development Community (Sadc) finds itself in a strange and ironic situation. Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa, whose controversial re-election was rejected last year by Sadc leaders, is now leading a summit on elections and their outcomes in the region. This comes at a time when Mozambique is facing post-election violence, Botswana’s democratic elections have shaken regional politics, and Namibia is preparing for critical polls.
Mnangagwa’s re-election in August 2023 was rejected by Sadc’s Election Observer Mission and at subsequent summits in Angola and Zambia. The observers found the elections in Zimbabwe to be fraudulent, violating both the country’s own laws and Sadc’s principles on democratic elections. Despite this, Mnangagwa became the current chair of Sadc during a summit in Harare, where the damning election report was not revised.
Now, Mnangagwa has called for an extraordinary Sadc summit in Harare, scheduled for 16–20 November 2024, to address political issues in Mozambique, Botswana, and Namibia. Zimbabwean Information Minister Jenfan Muswere announced this after a cabinet meeting, saying the summit would focus on elections and stability in the region.
Mozambique recently held elections on 9 October 2024, which have led to chaos. President Daniel Chapo was declared the winner with 71% of the vote, but his rival Valencio Mondlane rejected the results. Protests have broken out, with violence killing more than 24 people. Mondlane, leader of the Optimistic Party for the Development of Mozambique, fled to South Africa after surviving an assassination attempt. He has called for a march on the capital, Maputo, to challenge the government. The Mozambican military has threatened to crush the protests, and the government has shut down social media to stop demonstrations.
This crisis is now spilling over into Zimbabwe, affecting cross-border trade and transport. Zimbabwe relies on the Beira Corridor in Mozambique for access to the sea. Protest disruptions have impacted the Forbes Border Post, slowing the movement of goods and people between the two countries.
Botswana has also seen a political shake-up. Recent elections there, praised for their fairness, have caused concern among liberation movements in the region. The results showed that voters were willing to challenge the status quo, sending a strong message to ruling parties elsewhere.
In Namibia, elections are set for 27 November 2024, with the ruling party facing significant opposition. This is another test for democracy in the region, adding to the high stakes of the upcoming summit.
The Sadc summit will also review the situation in Eswatini. While Sadc noted progress in political stability there, King Mswati has yet to implement recommendations from 2021, including hosting a national dialogue to address demands for democratic reforms. This unresolved issue highlights how Sadc has struggled to enforce its own recommendations.
The summit’s irony lies in Mnangagwa’s role as the chair. Many in the region, including Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, opposed Zimbabwe hosting Sadc meetings. Hichilema, who previously chaired the Sadc organ on politics, refused to attend the Harare summit, citing Zimbabwe’s flawed elections. Mnangagwa’s open support for former Zambian president Edgar Lungu, who lost to Hichilema in 2021, has further strained relations.
Despite objections, the Sadc summit in Harare went ahead with most leaders in attendance. One of its key outcomes was removing Eswatini from the agenda, despite unresolved political issues there.
Now, Mnangagwa, whose leadership has been questioned, finds himself tasked with leading discussions on election integrity and regional stability. His congratulatory message to Mozambique’s Chapo, even before official results were announced, adds to the controversy.
The irony is hard to ignore: a leader accused of rigging his own elections is now the face of Sadc’s efforts to promote democracy and stability. As Sadc leaders gather in Harare, the question remains whether this summit will bring real solutions or just more contradictions. The region waits to see if Sadc can rise above these challenges or remain caught in its own political web.
The use of specific examples, such as the Beira Corridor disruptions and President Hichilema’s refusal to attend the summit, adds depth and context to the discussion. This makes the article not just informative but also relatable for readers familiar with regional politics.
This article does an excellent job of highlighting the paradox of President Mnangagwa leading discussions on election integrity after his controversial re-election. The piece captures the irony in a way that keeps the reader engaged and thinking critically about Sadc’s credibility.The coverage of regional issues, including Mozambique, Botswana, Namibia, and Eswatini, provides a comprehensive view of the interconnected challenges Sadc faces. It shows how the political dynamics in one country can affect others, like the spillover from Mozambique into Zimbabwe.
The article could benefit from more clarity in transitions between topics. For instance, moving from Mozambique’s election crisis to Botswana’s political shake-up feels abrupt. Smoother transitions would improve the flow and readability. Although it mentions Sadc’s principles on democratic elections, the article doesn’t provide specific details about these principles. Including a brief explanation of what Sadc expects from member states could give readers a better understanding of the alleged violations.”